**Omar Khayyam** ( ; irani : عمر خیّام [ oˈmæɾ xæjˈjɒːm ] ; 18 May 1048 – 4 December 1131 ) was a irani polymath, mathematician, astronomer, historian, philosopher, and poet. [ 3 ] [ 4 ] [ 5 ] [ 6 ] He was born in Nishapur, the initial capital of the Seljuk Empire. As a scholar, he was contemporaneous with the rule of the Seljuk dynasty around the time of the First Crusade. As a mathematician, he is most celebrated for his work on the classification and solution of cubic equations, where he provided geometric solutions by the intersection of conics. [ 7 ] Khayyam besides contributed to the agreement of the analogue maxim. [ 8 ] : 284 As an astronomer, he designed the Jalali calendar, a solar calendar with a identical precise 33-year embolism cycle [ 9 ] [ 10 ] : 659 that provided the basis for the Persian calendar that is still in habit after about a millennium. In the 1000s in Persia, Khayyam announced in 1079, that the distance of the year was measured as 365.24219858156 days. [ 11 ] Given that the duration of the year is changing in the sixth decimal place over a person ‘s life, this is outstandingly accurate. For comparison the length of the year at the end of the nineteenth century was 365.242196 days, while today it is 365.242190 days.

Reading: Omar Khayyam

There is a custom of attributing poetry to Omar Khayyam, written in the form of quatrains ( *rubāʿiyāt* رباعیات ). This poetry became wide known to the English-reading worldly concern in a translation by Edward FitzGerald ( *Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam*, 1859 ), which enjoyed big success in the orientalism of the fin de siècle .

## life [edit ]

Omar Khayyam was born in 1048 in Nishapur, a leading city in Khorasan during medieval times that reached its zenith of prosperity in the eleventh century under the Seljuq dynasty. [ 12 ] : 15 [ 13 ] [ 14 ] Nishapur was besides a major center of the zoroastrian religion, and it is probable that Khayyam ‘s father was a zoroastrian who had converted to Islam. [ 15 ] : 68 His full name, as it appears in the Arabic sources, was *Abu’l Fath Omar ibn Ibrahim al-Khayyam*. [ 16 ] In chivalric irani text he is normally plainly called *Omar Khayyam*. [ 17 ] Although receptive to doubt, it has frequently been assumed that his forebears followed the deal of tent-making, since *Khayyam* means *tent-maker* in Arabic. [ 18 ] : 30 The historian Bayhaqi, who was personally acquainted with Omar, provides the wax details of his horoscope : “ he was Gemini, the sun and Mercury being in the ascendant [ … ] ”. [ 19 ] : 471 This was used by modern scholars to establish his date of parturition as 18 May 1048. [ 10 ] : 658

His boyhood was spent in Nishapur. [ 10 ] : 659 His gifts were recognized by his early tutors who sent him to study under Imam Muwaffaq Nishaburi, the greatest teacher of the Khorasan region who tutored the children of the highest nobility. Omar made a great friendship with him through the years. [ 15 ] : 20 Khayyam was besides taught by the zoroastrian change mathematician, Abu Hassan Bahmanyar bank identification number Marzban. [ 20 ] After studying skill, philosophy, mathematics and astronomy at Nishapur, about the class 1068 he traveled to the province of Bukhara, where he frequented the celebrated library of the Ark. In about 1070 he moved to Samarkand, where he started to compose his celebrated treatise on algebra under the patronage of Abu Tahir Abd al-Rahman ibn ʿAlaq, the governor and foreman judge of the city. [ 21 ] Omar Khayyam was kindly received by the Karakhanid ruler Shams al-Mulk Nasr, who according to Bayhaqi, would “ show him the greatest honor, indeed much so that he would seat [ Omar ] beside him on his throne “. [ 18 ] : 34 [ 15 ] : 47 In 1073–4 peace was concluded with Sultan Malik-Shah I who had made incursions into Karakhanid dominions. Khayyam entered the service of Malik-Shah in 1074–5 when he was invited by the Grand Vizier Nizam al-Mulk to meet Malik-Shah in the city of Marv. Khayyam was subsequently commissioned to set up an lookout in Isfahan and lead a group of scientists in carrying out precise astronomic observations aimed at the revision of the Persian calendar. The undertaking began credibly in 1076 and ended in 1079 [ 15 ] : 28 when Omar Khayyam and his colleagues concluded their measurements of the length of the year, reporting it to 14 significant figures with astounding accuracy .

Iran Khayyam Neyshaburi Mausoleum in Neyshabur After the death of Malik-Shah and his vizier ( murdered, it is thought, by the Ismaili ordain of Assassins ), Omar fell from favor at court, and as a solution, he soon set out on his pilgrimage to Mecca. A possible later motivation for his pilgrimage reported by Al-Qifti, was a populace demonstration of his faith with a see to allaying suspicions of incredulity and confuting the allegations of heresy ( including possible sympathy to Zoroastrianism ) leveled at him by a hostile clergy. [ 22 ] [ 15 ] : 29 He was then invited by the new Sultan Sanjar to Marv, possibly to work as a court astrologer. [ 1 ] He was late allowed to return to Nishapur owing to his declining health. Upon his render, he seems to have lived the life of a recluse. [ 23 ] : 99 Omar Khayyam died at the age of 83 in his hometown of Nishapur on 4 December 1131, and he is buried in what is nowadays the Mausoleum of Omar Khayyam. One of his disciples Nizami Aruzi relates the story that erstwhile during 1112–3 Khayyam was in Balkh in the caller of Al-Isfizari ( one of the scientists who had collaborated with him on the Jalali calendar ) when he made a prophecy that “ my grave shall be in a spotlight where the north wreathe may scatter roses over it ”. [ 18 ] : 36 [ 13 ] Four years after his death, Aruzi located his grave in a cemetery in a then large and long-familiar quarter of Nishapur on the road to Marv. As it had been foreseen by Khayyam, Aruzi found the grave situated at the foot of a garden-wall over which pear trees and smasher trees had thrust their heads and dropped their flowers so that his gravestone was hidden beneath them. [ 18 ]

## Mathematics [edit ]

Khayyam was celebrated during his life as a mathematician. His surviving mathematical works include : *A commentary on the difficulties concerning the postulates of Euclid’s Elements* ( *Risāla fī šarḥ mā aškala min muṣādarāt kitāb Uqlīdis*, completed in December 1077 [ 6 ] ), *On the division of a quadrant of a circle* ( *Risālah fī qismah rub‘ al-dā’irah*, dateless but completed prior to the treatise on algebra [ 6 ] ), and *On proofs for problems concerning Algebra* ( *Maqāla fi l-jabr wa l-muqābala*, most likely completed in 1079 [ 8 ] : 281 ). He furthermore wrote a treatise on the binomial theorem and extracting the nth settle of natural numbers, which has been lost. [ 15 ] : 197

### theory of parallels [edit ]

A region of Khayyam ‘s comment on Euclid ‘s Elements deals with the parallel maxim. [ 8 ] : 282 The treatise of Khayyam can be considered the first discussion of the axiom not based on petitio principii principii, but on a more intuitive postulate. Khayyam refutes the previous attempts by other mathematicians to *prove* the suggestion, chiefly on grounds that each of them had postulated something that was by no means easier to admit than the Fifth Postulate itself. [ 6 ] Drawing upon Aristotle ‘s views, he rejects the custom of motion in geometry and therefore dismisses the different try by Al-Haytham. [ 24 ] [ 25 ] Unsatisfied with the failure of mathematicians to prove Euclid ‘s statement from his other postulates, Omar tried to connect the axiom with the Fourth Postulate, which states that all right angles are adequate to one another. [ 8 ] : 282 Khayyam was the first to consider the three discrete cases of acute, obtuse, and right angle for the summit angles of a Khayyam-Saccheri quadrilateral. [ 8 ] : 283 After proving a number of theorems about them, he showed that Postulate V follows from the right slant guess, and refuted the obtuse and acuate cases as paradoxical. [ 6 ] His detailed attack to prove the latitude postulate was meaning for the far development of geometry, as it distinctly shows the possibility of non-Euclidean geometries. The hypotheses of acuate, obtuse, and properly angles are now known to lead respectively to the non-Euclidean hyperbolic geometry of Gauss-Bolyai-Lobachevsky, to that of riemannian geometry, and to Euclidean geometry. [ 26 ]

“ cubic equation and overlap of conic section sections ” the first page of a two-chaptered manuscript kept in Tehran University. Tusi ‘s commentaries on Khayyam ‘s treatment of parallels made its way to Europe. John Wallis, professor of geometry at Oxford, translated Tusi ‘s comment into Latin. Jesuit geometer Girolamo Saccheri, whose work ( *euclides ab omni naevo vindicatus*, 1733 ) is by and large considered the first step in the eventual development of non-Euclidean geometry, was familiar with the work of Wallis. The american historian of mathematics David Eugene Smith mentions that Saccheri “ used the same lemma as the one of Tusi, even lettering the trope in precisely the same way and using the lemma for the same purpose ”. He further says that “ Tusi distinctly states that it is due to Omar Khayyam, and from the text, it seems clear that the latter was his galvanizer. ” [ 23 ] : 104 [ 27 ] [ 15 ] : 195

#### The real number concept [edit ]

This treatise on Euclid contains another contribution dealing with the hypothesis of proportions and with the compound of ratios. Khayyam discusses the relationship between the concept of proportion and the concept of phone number and explicitly raises assorted theoretical difficulties. In particular, he contributes to the theoretical study of the concept of irrational number. [ 6 ] Displeased with Euclid ‘s definition of adequate ratios, he redefined the concept of a act by the manipulation of a continuous fraction as the means of expressing a proportion. Rosenfeld and Youschkevitch ( 1973 ) argue that “ by placing irrational quantities and numbers on the same operational scale, [ Khayyam ] began a true rotation in the doctrine of number. ” alike, it was noted by D. J. Struik that Omar was “ on the road to that extension of the number concept which leads to the notion of the real issue. ” [ 8 ] : 284

### Geometric algebra [edit ]

*x*3 + 2*x* = 2*x*2 + 2. The intersection point produced by the circle and the hyperbola determine the desired segment. Omar Khayyam ‘s construction of a solution to the cubic + 2= 2+ 2. The intersection point produced by the circle and the hyperbola determine the desire segment. Rashed and Vahabzadeh ( 2000 ) have argued that because of his thoroughgoing geometric approach to algebraic equations, Khayyam can be considered the precursor of Descartes in the invention of analytic geometry. [ 28 ] : 248 In *The Treatise on the Division of a Quadrant of a Circle* Khayyam applied algebra to geometry. In this work, he devoted himself chiefly to investigating whether it is possible to divide a circular quadrant into two parts such that the channel segments projected from the dividing point to the perpendicular diameters of the set form a specific ratio. His solution, in act, employed several curve constructions that led to equations containing cubic and quadratic equation terms. [ 28 ] : 248

#### The solution of cubic equations [edit ]

Khayyam seems to have been the first gear to conceive a general theory of cubic equations [ 29 ] and the first to geometrically solve every type of cubic equality, indeed far as plus roots are concerned. [ 30 ] The treatise on algebra contains his work on cubic equations. [ 31 ] It is divided into three parts : ( one ) equations which can be solved with compass and straight edge, ( two ) equations which can be solved by means of conic section sections, and ( three ) equations which involve the inverse of the unknown. [ 32 ] Khayyam produced an exhaustive list of all possible equations involving lines, squares, and cubes. [ 33 ] : 43 He considered three binomial equations, nine trinomial equations, and seven tetranomial equations. [ 8 ] : 281 For the first and second degree polynomials, he provided numeric solutions by geometric construction. He concluded that there are fourteen unlike types of cubics that can not be reduced to an equality of a lesser degree. [ 6 ] For these he could not accomplish the construction of his strange segment with compass and neat border. He proceeded to present geometric solutions to all types of cubic equations using the properties of conic section sections. [ 34 ] : 157 [ 8 ] : 281 The prerequisite lemma for Khayyam ‘s geometric proof include Euclid VI, Prop 13, and Apollonius II, Prop 12. [ 34 ] : 155 The positive root of a cubic equation was determined as the abscissa of a point of intersection of two conics, for case, the intersection of two parabolas, or the intersection of a parabola and a circle, etc. [ 35 ] : 141 however, he acknowledged that the arithmetical problem of these cubics was hush unsolved, adding that “ possibly person else will come to know it after us ”. [ 34 ] : 158 This job remained open until the sixteenth hundred, where algebraic solution of the cubic equation was found in its generalization by Cardano, Del Ferro, and Tartaglia in Renaissance Italy. [ 8 ] : 282 [ 6 ]

Whoever thinks algebra is a whoremaster in obtaining stranger has thought it in conceited. No attention should be paid to the fact that algebra and geometry are different in appearance. Algebras are geometric facts which are proved by propositions five and six of Book two of Elements .

Omar Khayyam [ 36 ]

In effect, Khayyam ‘s workplace is an campaign to unify algebra and geometry. [ 37 ] : 241 This particular geometric solution of cubic equations has been far investigated by M. Hachtroudi and extended to solving fourth-degree equations. [ 38 ] Although like methods had appeared sporadically since Menaechmus, and far developed by the 10th-century mathematician Abu al-Jud, [ 39 ] [ 40 ] Khayyam ‘s work can be considered the first systematic study and the first exact method acting of solving cubic equations. [ 41 ] The mathematician Woepcke ( 1851 ) who offered translations of Khayyam ‘s algebra into french praised him for his “ power of abstraction and his rigorously systematic procedure. ” [ 42 ] : 10

### Binomial theorem and extraction of roots [edit ]

From the Indians one has methods for obtaining square and cube roots, methods based on cognition of individual cases – namely the cognition of the squares of the nine digits 12, 22, 32 ( etc. ) and their respective products, i.e. 2 × 3 etc. We have written a treatise on the proof of the robustness of those methods and that they satisfy the conditions. In summation we have increased their types, namely in the phase of the determination of the one-fourth, one-fifth, one-sixth roots up to any desire degree. No one preceded us in this and those proofs are strictly arithmetical, founded on the arithmetical of

The Elements.

Omar Khayyam, *Treatise on Demonstration of Problems of Algebra* [ 43 ]

In his algebraic treatise, Khayyam alludes to a bible he had written on the extraction of the north { \displaystyle n } thorium root of the numbers using a law he had discovered which did not depend on geometric figures. [ 35 ] This reserve was most likely titled *The difficulties of arithmetic* ( *Moškelāt al-hesāb* ), [ 6 ] and is not extant. Based on the context, some historians of mathematics such as D. J. Struik, believe that Omar must have known the convention for the expansion of the binomial ( a + b ) n { \displaystyle ( a+b ) ^ { nitrogen } } , where *n* is a cocksure integer. [ 8 ] : 282 The case of office 2 is explicitly stated in Euclid ‘s elements and the case of at most ability 3 had been established by indian mathematicians. Khayyam was the mathematician who noticed the importance of a general binomial theorem. The argument supporting the claim that Khayyam had a general binomial theorem is based on his ability to extract roots. [ 44 ] One of Khayyam ‘s predecessors, Al-Karaji, had already discovered the trilateral placement of the coefficients of binomial expansions that Europeans late came to know as Pascal ‘s triangle ; [ 45 ] Khayyam popularized this trilateral array in Iran, so that it is now known as Omar Khayyam ‘s triangle. [ 35 ]

## astronomy [edit ]

representation of the embolism scheme of the Jalali calendar In 1074–5, Omar Khayyam was commissioned by Sultan Malik-Shah to build an lookout at Isfahan and reform the Persian calendar. There was a panel of eight scholars working under the management of Khayyam to make large-scale astronomic observations and revise the astronomic tables. [ 35 ] : 141 Recalibrating the calendar fixed the first day of the year at the claim consequence of the pass of the Sun ‘s center across youthful equinox. This marks the begin of leap or Nowrūz, a day in which the Sun enters the first degree of Aries before noon. [ 46 ] [ 47 ] The resultant calendar was named in Malik-Shah ‘s respect as the Jalālī calendar, and was inaugurated on 15 March 1079. [ 48 ] The observatory itself was disused after the death of Malik-Shah in 1092. [ 10 ] : 659 The Jalālī calendar was a true solar calendar where the duration of each calendar month is equal to the time of the passage of the Sun across the represent sign of the Zodiac. The calendar reform introduced a unique 33-year embolism cycle. As indicated by the works of Khazini, Khayyam ‘s group implemented an embolism system based on quadrennial and quinquennial leap years. therefore, the calendar consisted of 25 ordinary years that included 365 days, and 8 jump years that included 366 days. [ 49 ] The calendar remained in practice across Greater Iran from the 11th to the twentieth centuries. In 1911 the Jalali calendar became the official national calendar of Qajar Iran. In 1925 this calendar was simplified and the names of the months were modernized, resulting in the modern Iranian calendar. The Jalali calendar is more accurate than the Gregorian calendar of 1582, [ 10 ] : 659 with an error of one day accumulating over 5,000 years, compared to one day every 3,330 years in the Gregorian calendar. [ 15 ] : 200 Moritz Cantor considered it the most perfect calendar ever devised. [ 23 ] : 101 One of his pupils Nizami Aruzi of Samarcand relates that Khayyam obviously did not have a belief in astrology and divination : “ I did not observe that he ( *scil.* Omar Khayyam ) had any great belief in astrological predictions, nor have I seen or heard of any of the big [ scientists ] who had such impression. ” [ 42 ] : 11 While working for Sultan Sanjar as an astrologer he was asked to predict the upwind – a subcontract that he obviously did not do well. [ 15 ] : 30 George Saliba ( 2002 ) explains that the term *‘ilm al-nujūm*, used in assorted sources in which references to Omar ‘s life and work could be found, has sometimes been incorrectly translated to mean astrology. He adds : “ from at least the center of the tenth hundred, according to Farabi ‘s enumeration of the sciences, that this science, *‘ilm al-nujūm*, was already split into two parts, one dealing with astrology and the other with theoretical mathematical astronomy. ” [ 50 ] : 224

## other works [edit ]

He has a short circuit treatise devoted to Archimedes ‘ principle ( in full title, *On the Deception of Knowing the Two Quantities of Gold and Silver in a Compound Made of the Two* ). For a compound of gold adulterated with silver, he describes a method acting to measure more precisely the weight per capacity of each element. It involves weighing the compound both in air out and in urine, since weights are easier to measure precisely than volumes. By repeating the lapp with both amber and silver one finds precisely how much heavier than body of water gold, argent and the compound were. This treatise was extensively examined by Eilhard Wiedemann who believed that Khayyam ‘s solution was more accurate and advanced than that of Khazini and Al-Nayrizi who besides dealt with the subject elsewhere. [ 15 ] : 198

Read more: S.S. Lazio

Another short treatise is concerned with music theory in which he discusses the connection between music and arithmetic. Khayyam ‘s contribution was in providing a taxonomic classification of musical scales, and discussing the numerical kinship among notes, minor, major and tetrachords. [ 15 ] : 198

## poetry [edit ]

*ruba’i* from the Bodleian manuscript, rendered in rendition of afrom the Bodleian manuscript, rendered in Shekasteh calligraphy. The earliest allusion to Omar Khayyam ‘s poetry is from the historian Imad ad-Din al-Isfahani, a younger contemporaneous of Khayyam, who explicitly identifies him as both a poet and a scientist ( *Kharidat al-qasr*, 1174 ). [ 15 ] : 49 [ 51 ] : 35 One of the earliest specimens of Omar Khayyam ‘s Rubiyat is from Fakhr al-Din Razi. In his work *Al-tanbih ‘ala ba‘d asrar al-maw‘dat fi’l-Qur’an* ( ca. 1160 ), he quotes one of his poem ( corresponding to quatrain LXII of FitzGerald ‘s first gear version ). Daya in his writings ( *Mirsad al-‘Ibad*, ca. 1230 ) quotes two quatrains, one of which is the lapp as the one already reported by Razi. An extra quatrain is quoted by the historian Juvayni ( *Tarikh-i Jahangushay*, ca. 1226–1283 ). [ 51 ] : 36–37 [ 15 ] : 92 In 1340 Jajarmi includes thirteen quatrains of Khayyam in his work containing an anthology of the works of celebrated persian poets ( *Munis al-ahrār* ), two of which have hitherto been known from the older sources. [ 52 ] A relatively deep manuscript is the Bodleian MS. Ouseley 140, written in Shiraz in 1460, which contains 158 quatrains on 47 folia. The manuscript belonged to William Ouseley ( 1767–1842 ) and was purchased by the Bodleian Library in 1844. There are periodic quotes of verses attributed to Omar in text attributed to authors of the 13th and 14th centuries, but these are of doubtful authenticity, so that disbelieving scholars point out that the stallion tradition may be pseudepigraphic. [ 51 ] : 11 Hans Heinrich Schaeder in 1934 commented that the diagnose of Omar Khayyam “ is to be struck out from the history of persian literature ” due to the lack of any material that could confidently be attributed to him. De Blois ( 2004 ) presents a bibliography of the manuscript tradition, concluding pessimistically that the situation has not changed significantly since Schaeder ‘s prison term. [ 53 ] Five of the quatrains subsequently attributed to Omar are found angstrom early as 30 years after his end, quoted in *Sindbad-Nameh*. While this establishes that these specific verses were in circulation in Omar ‘s time or soon late, it does n’t imply that the verses must be his. De Blois concludes that at the least the process of attributing poetry to Omar Khayyam appears to have begun already in the thirteenth hundred. [ 54 ] Edward Granville Browne ( 1906 ) notes the difficulty of disentangling authentic from inauthentic quatrains : “ while it is sealed that Khayyam wrote many quatrains, it is barely possible, save in a few especial cases, to assert positively that he wrote any of those ascribed to him ”. [ 10 ] : 663 In addition to the iranian quatrains, there are twenty-five Arabic poems attributed to Khayyam which are attested by historians such as al-Isfahani, Shahrazuri ( *Nuzhat al-Arwah*, ca. 1201–1211 ), Qifti ( *Tārikh al-hukamā*, 1255 ), and Hamdallah Mustawfi ( *Tarikh-i guzida*, 1339 ). [ 15 ] : 39 Boyle and Frye ( 1975 ) emphasize that there are a number of other persian scholars who occasionally wrote quatrains, including Avicenna, Ghazzali, and Tusi. He concludes that it is besides possible that for Khayyam poetry was an entertainment of his leisure hours : “ these brief poems seem often to have been the cultivate of scholars and scientists who composed them, possibly, in moments of liberalization to edify or amuse the inside traffic circle of their disciples ”. [ 10 ] : 662 The poetry attributed to Omar Khayyam has contributed greatly to his popular fame in the advanced time period as a aim result of the extreme popularity of the translation of such verses into English by Edward FitzGerald ( 1859 ). FitzGerald ‘s *Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam* contains idle translations of quatrains from the Bodleian manuscript. It enjoyed such success in the fin de siècle period that a bibliography compiled in 1929 listed more than 300 separate editions, [ 55 ] and many more have been published since. [ 56 ]

## philosophy [edit ]

Statue of Omar Khayyam in Bucharest Khayyam considered himself intellectually to be a scholar of Avicenna. [ 57 ] According to Al-Bayhaqi, he was reading the metaphysics in Avicenna ‘s *the Book of Healing* before he died. [ 10 ] : 661 There are six philosophical papers believed to have been written by Khayyam. One of them, *On existence* ( *Fi’l-wujūd* ), was written originally in iranian and deals with the subject of being and its kinship to universals. Another paper, titled *The necessity of contradiction in the world, determinism and subsistence* ( *Darurat al-tadād fi’l-‘ālam wa’l-jabr wa’l-baqā’* ), is written in Arabic and deals with unblock will and determinism. [ 57 ] : 475 The titles of his other works are *On being and necessity* ( *Risālah fī’l-kawn wa’l-taklīf* ), *The Treatise on Transcendence in Existence* ( *Al-Risālah al-ulā fi’l-wujūd* ), *On the knowledge of the universal principles of existence* ( *Risālah dar ‘ilm kulliyāt-i wujūd* ), and *Abridgement concerning natural phenomena* ( *Mukhtasar fi’l-Tabi‘iyyāt* ) .

### religious views [edit ]

grave of Omar Khayyam A literal reading of Khayyam ‘s quatrains leads to the interpretation of his philosophic attitude toward life as a combination of pessimism, nihilistic delusion, Epicureanism, fatalism, and agnosticism. [ 15 ] : 6 [ 58 ] This horizon is taken by Iranologists such as Arthur Christensen, H. Schaeder, Richard N. Frye, E. D. Ross, [ 59 ] : 365 E. H. Whinfield [ 42 ] : 40 and George Sarton. [ 12 ] : 18 conversely, the Khayyamic quatrains have besides been described as mystic Sufi poetry. [ 60 ] In addition to his iranian quatrains, J. C. E. Bowen ( 1973 ) mentions that Khayyam ‘s Arabic poems besides “ express a pessimistic point of view which is entirely accordant with the mentality of the profoundly thoughtful positivist philosopher that Khayyam is known historically to have been. ” [ 61 ] : 69 Edward FitzGerald emphasized the religious incredulity he found in Khayyam. [ 62 ] In his foreword to the *Rubáiyát* he claimed that he “ was hated and dreaded by the Sufis ”, [ 63 ] and denied any guise at divine emblem : “ his Wine is the regular Juice of the grape : his Tavern, where it was to be had : his *Saki*, the Flesh and Blood that poured it out for him. ” [ 64 ] : 62 Sadegh Hedayat is one of the most luminary proponents of Khayyam ‘s philosophy as agnostic incredulity, and according to Jan Rypka ( 1934 ), he even considered Khayyam an atheist. [ 65 ] Hedayat ( 1923 ) states that “ while Khayyam believes in the transmutation and transformation of the human torso, he does not believe in a separate soul ; if we are golden, our bodily particles would be used in the cause of a imprison of wine. ” [ 66 ] In a late survey ( 1934–35 ) he far contends that Khayyam ‘s practice of Sufic terminology such as “ wine ” is actual and that he turned to the pleasures of the moment as an antidote to his experiential grieve : “ Khayyam took recourse in wine to ward off resentment and to blunt the cutting edge of his thoughts. ” [ 67 ] In this tradition, Omar Khayyam ‘s poetry has been cited in the context of New Atheism, e.g. in *The Portable Atheist* by Christopher Hitchens. [ 68 ] Al-Qifti ( ca. 1172–1248 ) appears to confirm this horizon of Omar ‘s philosophy. [ 10 ] : 663 In his shape *The History of Learned Men* he reports that Omar ‘s poems were entirely outwardly in the Sufi style, but were written with an anti-religious agenda. [ 59 ] : 365 He besides mentions that he was at one point indicted for impiety, but went on a pilgrimage to prove he was pious. [ 15 ] : 29 The report has it that upon returning to his native city he concealed his deepest convictions and practised a strictly religious life, going good morning and evening to the place of idolize. [ 59 ] : 355 In the context of a piece entitled *On the Knowledge of the Principles of Existence*, Khayyam endorses the Sufi path. [ 15 ] : 8 Csillik ( 1960 ) suggests the possibility that Omar Khayyam could see in Sufism an ally against orthodox religiosity. [ 69 ] : 75 other commentators do not accept that Omar ‘s poetry has an anti-religious agenda and interpret his references to wine and drunkenness in the conventional metaphorical sense common in Sufism. The french interpreter J. B. Nicolas held that Omar ‘s ceaseless exhortations to drink wine should not be taken literally, but should be regarded preferably in the light of Sufi thought where ecstatic drunkenness by “ wine ” is to be understood as a metaphor for the clear state or divine ecstasy of *baqaa*. [ 70 ] The view of Omar Khayyam as a Sufi was defended by Bjerregaard ( 1915 ), [ 71 ] Idries Shah ( 1999 ), [ 72 ] and Dougan ( 1991 ) who attributes the repute of hedonism to the failings of FitzGerald ‘s translation, arguing that Omar ‘s poetry is to be understand as “ deeply esoteric ”. [ 73 ] On the other hired hand, irani experts such as Mohammad Ali Foroughi and Mojtaba Minovi rejected the hypothesis that Omar Khayyam was a Sufi. [ 61 ] : 72 Foroughi stated that Khayyam ‘s ideas may have been consistent with that of Sufis at times but there is no testify that he was formally a Sufi. Aminrazavi ( 2007 ) states that “ Sufi interpretation of Khayyam is possible merely by reading into his *Rubāʿīyyāt* extensively and by stretching the contentedness to fit the authoritative Sufi doctrine. ” [ 15 ] : 128 Furthermore, Frye ( 1975 ) emphasizes that Khayyam was intensely disliked by a number of celebrated Sufi mystics who belonged to the like century. This includes Shams Tabrizi ( spiritual guide of Rumi ), [ 15 ] : 58 Najm al-Din Daya who described Omar Khayyam as “ an unhappy philosopher, atheist, and materialist ”, [ 61 ] : 71 and Attar who regarded him not as a fellow-mystic but a free-thinking scientist who awaited punishments afterlife. [ 10 ] : 663 Seyyed Hossein Nasr argues that it is “ reductive ” to use a misprint interpretation of his verses ( many of which are of uncertain authenticity to begin with ) to establish Omar Khayyam ‘s doctrine. rather, he adduces Khayyam ‘s interpretative translation of Avicenna ‘s treatise *Discourse on Unity* ( *Al-Khutbat al-Tawhīd* ), where he expresses orthodox views on Divine Unity in agreement with the writer. [ 74 ] The prose works believed to be Omar ‘s are written in the Peripatetic vogue and are explicitly theist, dealing with subjects such as the universe of God and theodicy. [ 15 ] : 160 As noted by Bowen these works indicate his engagement in the problems of metaphysics rather than in the subtleties of Sufism. [ 61 ] : 71 As evidence of Khayyam ‘s faith and/or ossification to Islamic customs, Aminrazavi mentions that in his treatises he offers salutations and prayers, praising God and Muhammad. In most biographic extracts, he is referred to with religious honorifics such as *Imām*, *The Patron of Faith* ( *Ghīyāth al-Dīn* ), and *The Evidence of Truth* ( *Hujjat al-Haqq* ). [ 15 ] He besides notes that biographers who praise his religiosity generally avoid making mention to his poetry, while the ones who mention his poetry frequently do not praise his religious character. [ 15 ] : 48 For exemplify, Al-Bayhaqi ‘s account, which antedates by some years other biographic notices, speaks of Omar as a very pious serviceman who professed orthodox views down to his last hour. [ 75 ] : 174 On the basis of all the existing textual and biographic tell, the question remains reasonably open, [ 15 ] : 11 and as a consequence Khayyam has received aggressively conflicting appreciations and criticisms. [ 59 ] : 350

## reception [edit ]

The versatile biographic extracts referring to Omar Khayyam describe him as unequalled in scientific cognition and accomplishment during his time. [ 76 ] Many called him by the name *King of the Wise* ( Arabic : ملك الحکماء ). [ 52 ] : 436 [ 35 ] : 141 Shahrazuri ( d. 1300 ) esteems him highly as a mathematician, and claims that he may be regarded as “ the successor of Avicenna in the diverse branches of philosophical learning ”. [ 59 ] : 352 Al-Qifti ( d. 1248 ), even though disagreeing with his views, concedes he was “ matchless in his cognition of natural philosophy and astronomy ”. [ 59 ] : 355 Despite being hailed as a poet by a number of biographers, according to Richard N. Frye “ it is even possible to argue that Khayyam ‘s condition as a poet of the first membership is a relatively late exploitation. ” [ 10 ] : 663 Thomas Hyde was the first european to call attention to Omar and to translate one of his quatrains into Latin ( *Historia religionis veterum Persarum eorumque magorum*, 1700 ). [ 77 ] : 525 westerly interest in Persia grew with the Orientalism motion in the nineteenth century. Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall ( 1774–1856 ) translated some of Khayyam ‘s poem into german in 1818, and Gore Ouseley ( 1770–1844 ) into English in 1846, but Khayyam remained relatively nameless in the West until after the publication of Edward FitzGerald ‘s *Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam* in 1859. FitzGerald ‘s cultivate at beginning was abortive but was popularised by Whitley Stokes from 1861 ahead, and the make came to be greatly admired by the Pre-Raphaelites. In 1872 FitzGerald had a one-third edition printed which increased interest in the work in America. By the 1880s, the book was extremely well known throughout the english-speaking world, to the extent of the geological formation of numerous “ Omar Khayyam Clubs ” and a “ fin de siècle cult of the Rubaiyat ”. [ 78 ] Khayyam ‘s poems have been translated into many languages ; many of the more holocene ones are more literal than that of FitzGerald. [ 79 ] FitzGerald ‘s transformation was a factor in rekindling sake in Khayyam as a poet even in his native Iran. [ 80 ] Sadegh Hedayat in his *Songs of Khayyam* ( *Taranehha-ye Khayyam*, 1934 ) reintroduced Omar ‘s poetic bequest to modern Iran. Under the Pahlavi dynasty, a new monument of white marble, designed by the architect Houshang Seyhoun, was erected over his grave. A statue by Abolhassan Sadighi was erected in Laleh Park, Tehran in the 1960s, and a bust by the lapp sculptor was placed near Khayyam ‘s mausoleum in Nishapur. In 2009, the state of Iran donated a pavilion to the United Nations Office in Vienna, inaugurated at Vienna International Center. [ 81 ] In 2016, three statues of Khayyam were unveiled : one at the University of Oklahoma, one in Nishapur and one in Florence, Italy. [ 82 ] Over 150 composers have used the *Rubaiyat* as their reference of inspiration. The earliest such composer was Liza Lehmann. [ 6 ] FitzGerald rendered Omar ‘s name as “ Tentmaker ”, and the anglicise name of “ Omar the Tentmaker ” resonated in English-speaking popular polish for a while. thus, Nathan Haskell Dole published a novel called *Omar, the Tentmaker: A Romance of Old Persia* in 1898. *Omar the Tentmaker of Naishapur* is a historical novel by John Smith Clarke, published in 1910. “ Omar the Tentmaker ” is besides the title of a 1914 play by Richard Walton Tully in an oriental mise en scene, adapted as a silent film in 1922. US general Omar Bradley was given the nickname “ Omar the Tent-Maker ” in World War II. [ 83 ] The French-Lebanese writer Amin Maalouf based the first gear one-half of his historical fabrication novel *Samarkand* on Khayyam ‘s life and the universe of his Rubaiyat. The sculptor Eduardo Chillida produced four massive iron pieces titled *Mesa de Omar Khayyam* ( Omar Khayyam ‘s board ) in the 1980s. [ 84 ] [ 85 ] The lunar volcanic crater Omar Khayyam was named in his honor in 1970, as was the child planet 3095 Omarkhayyam discovered by soviet astronomer Lyudmila Zhuravlyova in 1980. [ 86 ] Google has released two Google Doodles commemorating him. The first was on his 964th birthday on 18 May 2012. The second was on his 971st birthday on 18 May 2019. [ 87 ]

## See besides [edit ]

## Citations [edit ]

## General references [edit ]

Read more: Left 4 Dead (series)